Death by fire was not a form of punishment inflicted at Rome in the time of Nero. Hence there was a strong sympathy for them, though they might have been guilty enough to deserve the severest punishment, on the ground that they were sacrificed, not to the general good, but to the cruelty of one man.”. He was then intending to return that way, but subsequently changed his plans.
[48], In the next place, however, the Christians are not so much “convicted” of the fire as of “hatred of the human race.” Holtzmann (in Sybel's Historischer Zeitschrift) has translated this phrase as “completely devoid of any humane and political culture,” “so that they might be relieved of considerations of humanity in dealing with them.” Schiller sees in it a reference to the custom of the Christians to withdraw from all intercourse with the world, celebrate forbidden festivals in secret meetings, and never sacrifice to the genius of the emperor.
They are just what one might suppose to be in harmony with the disposition of Tacitus. It was through jealousy and envy that the greatest and most righteous 'pillars' [of the church] were persecuted, and contended as athletes, even unto death. The Jewish-Christian church preserved its memories and traditions of these events, and some of them were collected early in the second century by the oriental teacher Hegesippus, and included in his Hupomnemata or 'Note-books'. They could at the most merely show that at the end of the first century not only the Christians, but their tradition and Christ-mythos, were known at Rome. Work quoted, p. 425.
Or does the writer of the letter merely intend by the words “Danaids and Dirces,” which have no connection with what precedes and follows in the text, to set the Christian women-martyrs in contrast to the frivolous performers of the ancient myth?
It is unfortunate, however, that no manuscript preserves the original text. Arnold has pointed out[34] that this biographer does not follow a chronological order in his work or observe the internal connection of events, but classes the deeds of the emperor as good or bad, and so puts the burning among the latter and the punishment of the Christians among the former. “It is inconceivable that the followers of Jesus formed a community in the city at that time of sufficient importance to attract public attention and the ill-feeling of the people. Silvanus had co-operated with Paul in writing to the Thessalonians; and it is interesting that the catechetical portions of 1 Peter and 1 Thessalonians both echo the holiness catechism of Leviticus. This reference supplies the only point of contact with the picture of the Roman background material which appears in II Timothy. Paul is now a prisoner in Rome, and is asking for his scrolls, his parchments, and the cloak which he left at Troas. “Their secret associations, which were chiefly recruited from the poorer people, might easily, under the cover of religion, become clubs of agitators and the resort of spies. In that case it is clearly a vicious circle to infer the historicity of the Neronian persecution from the fact that Revelation was written shortly after 64. [31] The Christian parts of the so-called Sybilline Oracles, which are supposed to have been written in part shortly after this event, have, as Arnold says, no relation to the Neronian persecution, even where there would be the greatest occasion. If Christianity was the vicious and criminal movement which he says it is, why was there so much sympathy for it? Doubtless the real crime of James was his protest in favour of the poor and the oppressed, with which the more judicious Pharisees would sympathize. After some debate and questioning with the leaders of the religious sects, James was thrown down from a high point in the Temple, and stoned to death; he was finished off by a blow from a wooden club. The second bears every mark of being a literary fiction composed in the second century; but the marks which prove it to be a work of the imagination are conspicuous by their absence in the case of the first. He never studied the archives.
It was not at all unnatural that the Jewish authorities should disown them, but we have evidence that they went further. The 'first Epistle' is a first-century production which was used by Clement and Polycarp; and such arguments as have been advanced against its authenticity have certainly not been strengthened by recent study. [63] Not one of the evangelists applies the name Christians to the followers of Jesus. He is the man to take over his tradition and hand it on to others. Such an imitation is not, in his opinion, beyond the range of possibility. We see how it subsides and flames out again according to the changes in the condition of general politics.”[74], In the year 48 B.C. son of Gamaliel (or Gamala), killed by the Zealots A.D. 67. To this Clement adds another detail, `Women suffered monstrous outrages as Danaids and Dirces.' This outbreak of persecution in Jerusalem was a symptom of the deterioration in the political situation. Burrhus had died, not without suspicion of poison. After the martyrdom of James, and the taking of Jerusalem, which took place immediately afterwards, it is recorded that those apostles and disciples of the Lord who still survived met together from all quarters and, together with the Lord's relatives according to the flesh (for the majority of these were still living), took counsel together as to whom they would judge worthy to be the successor of James; and furthermore they all nanimously approved Symeon the son of Clopas ... who was a cousin of the Lord. xviii, 3, 3. There is nothing, then, in the records of the Senate, and of Cluvius Rufus we know next to nothing. It arose, says Hochart, under a threefold influence. That Peter was never in Rome, and so did not meet his end there under Nero, must be regarded as certain after the research of Lipsius. [10] The point is so uncertain, nevertheless, that such distinguished authorities as Semler, Baur, Schwegler, Zeller, Volkmar,[11] Hausrath,[12] Loman,[13] Van Manen, Van den Bergh van Eysinga,[14] and Steck,[15] have disputed the genuineness of the letter; and it was reserved for the modern believers in Jesus to discover grounds for regarding it as genuine. The deposition of the high priest for the persecution of Christians in Jerusalem must not be regarded as an intervention of the Roman power in favour of the church. Von Soden also translates it: “All who openly confessed Christianity were at once arrested,” etc. Von Soden thinks that Christians “would certainly have put early Christianity in a more favourable light, as they always did when they falsified the story of the rise of Christianity in the historical works they read.” He overlooks the fact that the injurious epithets on the new religion and its adherents would probably, in the opinion of the forger, tend to strengthen its chances of passing as genuine. The furthest we are entitled to go in framing a hypothesis of dependence of 1 Peter on the Pauline literature is to suppose that the idea of writing such an Epistle, and the general literary form which it took, were suggested to Peter by the fact that Paul had produced such Joshua (or Jesus) the son of Damnaeus succeeded him; but he increased in power, and was doubtless the real ruler, as his father Annas I had been before him. He has the Book of Daniel in his mind here, the martyr's handbook. About this time appeared Jesus, a wise man [1], a teacher of such men as received the truth with pleasure; and he influenced many of the Jews and of the Greek race [2]. appointed by the procurator Quirinus; deposed by the next procurator Gratus; but he and his dynasty continued to have great power. And the high priests behaved in the same way as their servants, since no one had the power to prevent it; and some of the [lesser] priests, who used to be supported from the tithes, died from lack of food. |194 started off a more general persecution which flared up before long in Rome. Volkmar puts the letter in the year 125; Loman, Van Manen, and Steck do not admit its composition earlier than the year 140.
That he does so is supposed to be shown by the succeeding words, in which he says: “These men were accompanied on the heavenly pilgrimage by a great number of the elect, who have given us the noblest example of endurance in ill-treatment and torment, which they suffered from the envious. top. These grounds for suspicion and hatred [!] Schiller also thinks that the Roman authorities can have had no reason to inflict special punishment on the new faith. |200 Tradition must be right in saying that Paul was beheaded; for this was the form of execution which was legal in the case of a Roman citizen. | HOME | |< |<< | List of High Priests in Jerusalem after the death of Herod, 4 B.C.
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